The and Prygun Home Page
Short Description and History Updated April 30, 2011
Molokane are Bible-centered Christians who evolved in Russia from the Spiritual Christians, people who rejected the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and were considered heretics for not fasting on official holidays. The ROC called them "milk-drinkers" (molokane) to describe their heresy. Simion Uklein is generally credited for founding the faith though it's origins can be traced to the Protestant Reformation and earlier.
The first use of the label molokane (milk-drinkers) appeared in the 1760s referring to those who ignored many of the approximate 200 annual Russian Orthodox fasting days, especially the Great Fast (Lent), by eating dairy products, including milk. Russian for milk is moloko [молоко]; and Molokan means "milk-drinker". Molokans cleverly embraced the negative label assigned by the Orthodoxy clergy to describe their heresy by substituting a definition for milk given in the Bible — the pure spiritual word of God, presented in 1 Peter 2:2.
Before being balled "milk-drinkers", many were labeled ikon-oborsti (icon-rejecters, icon-wrestlers) for the heresy of refusing to respect icons and ROC holy objects. Molokane parted from Iconobors, who were later called Doukhobors (from dukhobortsti, spirit-wrestlers), and tried to merge with subbotniki (Sabbath-keepers, sabbatarians). This merging resulted in a schism into 3 groups: Original-Constant-Molokans, Sabbatarian-Molokans, and Pryguny (Jumpers). These terms are from more than 150 years ago, the mid-1800s.
Spiritual christian "... Dukhobors, Molokane [and Pruguny], and Subbotniks ... shared certain commonalities.
- Molokane — opposed most of the rituals and holidays of the subbotniki, and kept their Sunday sabbath.
- Subbotniki — opposed most of the rituals and holidays of the Molokane, and kept their Saturday sabbath.
- Pryguny (Jumpers), also called "skippers" (skakuny) — a hybrid sect that combined some rituals and holidays from molokane and subbotniki but kept the Sunday sabbath. In the 1900s all pryguny in America evolved into a completely separate denomination (dukh-i-zhiniki) which was transmitted back to Russia. Confusing to social scientists and descendants is the persistence of most all dukh-i-zhiniki to call themselves Molokans, yet they have no communion with Molokans and mostly shun them.
Spiritual Christians did not believe that the Tsars or priests were divinely appointed to their positions, nor that the icons — even if properly painted by an ordained icon-painter — were truly holy pictures (icons) containing some of the holiness of the individual or scene that they portrayed. Similarly church buildings were not holy. Spiritual Christians also objected to excessive Orthodox fasting days, military killing, clergy charging for services, and other practices which they believed conflicted with the teachings of the Bible, parts of which became available in the 1600s. Note that "divine" is not the same as "holy." In Christianity a person or a thing can be holy but only God is divine.
- complete and intense opposition to the Orthodox Church,
- refutation of the need for priests and hierarchies (or any other mediators in a relationship with God, ...
- abjuration of Orthodox sacraments (notably water baptism), icons, saints, relics, candles and churches. ...
- rejected secular authorities such as the Tsar and state officials, and
- opposed the power of landlords and other social elites, arguing that all humans were equal."(1)
An early theology can be found in the translated summary of "The Confession of Faith of the Spiritual Christians called Molokans [molokane]" (Geneva, 1862) in F.C. Conybeare, Russian dissenters (Harvard Theological Studies X, 1921), pages 289-291.
In Russia: "... a Russian must be Orthodox, a Tatar - Muslim, a German - Lutheran." By law Russians must be Orthodox. Those who were Russian by nationality and did not obey the Orthodox priests were classified as a dissenters, non-conformists, non-believers, sectarians, heretics, schismatics, felons, and often brutally punished. Because they actively recruited members from the Orthodoxy, several sects were classified as "infectious heresies", or Shaloputy (Molokane, Doukhobors, Sabbatarians, Khlysty, Skopsy, ...[Pryguny]), of which the Molokane became the most numerous, perhaps over half a million at their peak about 1900. During the 1800s, the Tsars developed policies to remove the most harmful sectarians away from central Russia to the edges of the Russian Empire — south Ukraine, Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Far East — where many descendants and congregations still reside.
Between 1904 to 1912, about 500 Molokane and 2,000 Pryguny (less than 1% of their total) had arrived in California USA, most from the Caucasus, a few via China, to avoid the wars and economic depression. 100 years later in the 2000s, about 30 congregations with assembly halls in the US call themselves "Molokan" but only 2 are actually Molokan (San Francisco and Sheridan CA), the others are a new separatist sect of Dukh-i-zhiniki, a Sprititual Christians faith based on a 1928 book : Dukh i zhizn'.
Today over 250 Molokane, Pryguny and Dukh-i-zhinik congregations exists world-wide — 200+ in Russia and the FSU, 30 along the American west coast, and 7 in Australia. Russian Bibles, songbooks, texts and language are used in all these congregations.In a sense Molokane are Protestants for rejecting Orthodoxy, and like Presbyterians in that they have volunteer lay-ministers and a loose council of dominant elders. Though Molokans are somewhat similar to the European Quakers and Mennonites — for their pacifism, communal organization, spiritual meetings, and sub-groupings — they are ethnically much closer to Doukhobors and Sabbatarians [Subbotniki] because they evolved from the same Russian Spiritual Christian movement of Khristovers and Ikonobors [icon-wrestlers], and migrated together with some intermarriage.
Today about 70 Molokan and Prygun congregations in Russia and two Molokan congregations in America are united as members of the Union of Spiritual Christian Molokans, Kochubeevskoe, Stavropol' Province, Russian Federation. No Dukh-i-zhinik congregations have joined the USCM.
The Dukh-i-zhinik are bonded by attending prayer meetings and special services (weddings, funerals, child dedications) but remain fractionated into sub-groups, melted into their host cultures often being indistinguishable from their neighboring citizens except for a few, who adhere to Old Russian customs, the Russian language, long beards on men, and their unique forms of religious worship and rituals (see Church and Service below). In America and Australia the Dukh-i-zhinik present the most visible of the sub-groups, usually identifying themselves as "Molokans" without revealing their sub-group affiliation as Dukh-i-zhinik or Maksimisty. Confusion arises in labeling sub-groups as Molokan because all congregations of Dukh-i-zhiniki do not follow the original Molokan dogma nor do they recognize Molokan leadership or organizations, indicating that they are a separate denomination by behavior.
Also spelled: molakan, malakan, molocan, malacan, moloccan, molokane, molokani, molokane, etc. in English; and in Russian: молокан, молакан, малакан.
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1. Breyfogle, Nikolas B, Heretics and Colonizers: Religious dissent and Russian colonization of Transcausasia, 1830-1890 (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia). 1998 doctorate thesis, pages 16-17.
2. Василий Васильевич Верещагин: Миролюбивый художник, Библиотекарь.Ру (Vacilii Vacil'evich Vereshagin: Peace-loving artist, Librarian.RU). This drawing is also titled "The Molokan Prophet" in "Путешествый во Закавказию в 1864-1865 гг.", «Всемирный путешественник», 1870 ("Travel in Transcaucasia 1864-1865", The World Traveler, 1870, page 210; in Italian: "Voyage dans les provinces du Caucase", Le Tour du Monde 1868.
"A Molokane" and
"A Molokane woman", 1863 by Verestchagin:
Prygun presbyter Piotr Alekseievich Semyonov, Novo-Saratovka village, Elizavetpol' guberniia, 1865, by Vereschagin. (2)![]()
Summary of Sections on this page
- Today over 250 Molokane, Pryguny and Dukh-i-zhinik and related congregations exist worldwide, with 30 in America. The most recognized central organization is the USCM Center in Kochubeevskoe, Stavropol'skii krai, Russian Federation, location of the 2005 celebration of 200 years of religions freedom. About 70 congregations are members, including First Molokan Church of San Francisco — the only congregation outside of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) to join. See the website of the Union of Communities of Spiritual Christian Molokans in Russia. with more information in the Russian language.
- Demographics describes where 20,000 ethnic Molokans and Jumpers live around the world, with maps.
- A short history of Molokans in Russia reveals that the name Molokan comes from the Russian: "milk drinkers".
- Pryguny and Molokane in America provides a short history after the migration and the organizations that evolved.
- Two major sub-groups in America are the Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki.
- American Molokan and Dukh-i-zhinik Religious Service describes the typical church service and dress, with pictures.
- Molokan and Prygun singing and musical heritage is introduced in Psalm Singers.
- How American Molokans and Pryguny live is summarized in American Molokan and Dukh-i-zhinik Homes
- Why a Molokan and Prygun Home Page? So Molokans and Pryguny can control information about them on the Internet.
- Credits and Web Master. Who all made this Molokan and Prygun Homepage possible.
Links to More Information on Molokane, Pryguny and Dukh-i-zhiniki
- American Molokan-Prygun Dogma, Molokan People (Russian), Molokan and Prygun NEWS, Molokan and Prygun Genealogy Resources, Molokan and Prygun History, Origin & Meaning of Molokan and Prygun Surnames.
- Tambov Meeting, Russia, August 1-4, 1997 — Molokans from around the world will discuss "Turning Towards the Origins of Molokanism", inspect historical Molokan archives, and tour Russian Molokan villages. Includes photos of Tambov. Cost: $1,400+. From California, 14 are attending. More after meeting.
- Mexico Prygun Web Site, proposed by Dr. Rojas, featuring the Museo Comunitario del Valle de Guadalupe (The Community Museum of Guadalupe Valley) homage, an index of materials archived there, photos and information of displays and publications, and other information on Molokans in Mexico.
- Reference List of publications by and about Molokans and Jumpers and where to find them; includes history books, songbooks, newsletters, phone directories. and
- More Information on the Internet about the Molokans and Jumpers; includes articles, music CDs, photos, reports, and interesting tid-bits. Also see: Molokan and Prygun NEWS and Molokane and Pryguny Around the World (the new root home page).
- Molokan and Dukh-i-zhinik Organizations around the world.
In the late 1800s, estimates for the Molokan and Prygun population ranged from 100,000 to half a million. Less than 1% (about 2,500, mostly Pryguny) joined the migration to America. Since then Molokan and Prygun self-identity has dwindled, in Russia because of Stalin's purges and ban on religion, and in America because of many influences, such as language, cultural clash, intermarriage, competing religions, etc.
In 2007, over 250 active congregations were counted worldwide. In Russia, most congregations re-appeared due to laws now permitting religious freedom. 150 communities in the FSU are mostly in the south, concentrated in the Northern Caucasus — Stavropol krai, Krasnodar krai, eastern Rostov oblast (Tselinskii raion) — and Transcaucasus — Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. Various reports on the Internet of Molokan congregations in Canada or New Zealand are incorrect.
Today, 20,000+ people around the world ethnically identify themselves as Molokan but are of 3 different religous fatihs. Most of the million+ descendants know very little about their history. In America, about one-third of the descendants of the migration claim ethnic identity, and fewer regularly associate with Molokane or Dukh-i-zhinik in assembly halls, other than events of close relatives (funeral, wedding).
Since the reorganization of the former Soviet Union, more than 90% of all Russians, including Molokane, have been driven from the Caucasus.
In America (click on map to enlarge) 30 Dukh-i-zhinik congregations currently exist on the West Coast, most on the East Side of the Los Angeles area, where 60% of American Dukh-i-zhiniki reside. After immigrating, numerous agricultural communes were started in Central California, Arizona, Mexico, Washington, Hawaii, New Mexico, and Utah. The end of the WWI and the depression caused most to return to the Los Angeles area. Today the descendant population of Dukh-i-zhinik and Molokane in America numbers an estimated 50,000. About half have married within the Dukh-i-zhinik community, but not all maintained congregation membership. Of those perhaps as many as 4,000 attend gatherings at least annually, and an estimated 2,000 are regular worshipers.
A complete description of the Molokane and Pryguny is as complex as their various factions and sub-factions. In their 400 year history, the Molokans and Jumpers have developed diverse traditions, songs, and philosophies, all reflecting the impact of influential members and differing socio-political environments. (See the near-comprehensive reading list). The following is a brief history.
Molokane trace their roots back to the 1600s and social movements among the Russian peasantry to reject the tsarist-dominated Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). Many Dukh-i-zhiniki believe their faith goes back to much earlier. This movement in Russia appears to have been influenced by earlier Protestantism in Europe, as people traveled back and forth to Europe they brrough new ideas. In Russia many of these protesting people called themselves "Spiritual Christians", but the Orthodoxy and police called them heretics and created many labels to describe their illegal activity. One of the earliest labels was ikonobor, people who wrestle against, or reject icons.
The name Molokan was first applied to a group of Spiritual Christians (probably ikonoborsty) in and near what is now Tambov oblast around 1765 (#27 on 1909 Russian Census map above). In general, Molokane followed the Bible literally — in contemporary American Christian lingo, "they were Bible centered", opposing the religious leadership of the tsar or pope. By ignoring fasting days designated by the Russian Orthodox Church (approximately 200 days per year), those who drank milk were labeled "molokane" ("milk drinkers"). Instead of rebuking the label, leaders of these Spiritual Christians embraced it with the spin that "Molokane" were "drinkers of the spiritual milk of God" (1 Peter 2:2).
Similarly the Spiritual Christian Doukhobors positively spun their derogatory name from "wrestled against the spirit of the church and God." into "wrestle with the spirit of truth." Find many excellent articles online at Spirit- Wrestlers.com and the Doukhobor Genealogy Website and many other website sites. Spiritual Christianity spread widely at the edges of the Russian Empire, into central and southern Russia where the Orthodoxy was weakest, and they gained a measure of religious toleration among some landlords. About half of all the peasants at this time belonged to the Tsar, they were called state-peasants.
In the beginning of the 1800s when Russia conquered the Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijani) large numbers of Russian and German sectarians were resettled in the undeveloped areas of Transcaucasia, where descendants remained today. In the Caucasus, where the groups that were later to come to America had resettled, many Spiritual Christians exchanged draft exemptions for services as unarmed border guards, carriers of mail and freight, and travel guides. Beginning about 1904 and continuing to about 1912, up to 2500 Pryguny, Maksimisty, Molokane and Subbotniki in the western Caucasus, most from Kars oblast, migrated to Los Angeles. Some were inspired by their Prygun prophets, some young men wished to avoid the military draft, most sought a better economy, and all were encouraged by the example of the Doukhobors who had proceeded them to Canada, and the German protestants who migrated in the 1870s.
Dukh-i-zhiniki and Molokane in America
Culturally surviving American Dukh-i-zhinik and Molokane have evolved into separate tightly knit, ethnic communities that resemble, in some ways, the communal religious societies of America's early history, such as the Moravians, Shakers, Harmonites, and others. Contemporary descendants of migrants to America express a full spectrum of characteristics, attitudes and beliefs stemming from old and new worlds. Some members strongly adhere to traditional values, dress, language and lifestyles — nativism — but most are indistinguishable from ordinary Americans.
(Section to be added. Check later.)
After glasnost, Molokane in Russia quickly formed a central organization, the Union of Spiritual Christian Molokans, but Dukh-i-zhiniki in America, due to their individualism and fractured organization, have no one official central organization, leader, newsletter or website. To contact the Dukh-i-zhiniki, one must contact all 30 congregations and all social organizations. One American Dukh-i-zhinik elder jokingly summarizes his frustration with trying to rally the community: "Molokans are the most democratic people in the world. Everyone does what he damn pleases!"(Alex Shubin, Montebello CA) Shubin was shocked to learn that less than 1% immigrated: "I was always told by the elders that everyone came from Russia. No one was left."
Many Dukh-i-zhiniki in America live by a rich tradition of folkways that retains its vitality through the strength of religion, most notable is the communal singing of spiritual songs and verses from Scripture in Russian.
See references for much more on the American Molokans.
Two major subgroups of ethnic Molokans migrated to America.
The original Molokane called Postoiannye (Constant or Steadfast, i.e., unchanged or original) by Pryguny Molokans were, and remain, centered around Potrero Hill in San Francisco (south of downtown), and near Sheridan, north of Sacramento, California. Also the new First Reformed Molokan Church, Woodburn Oregon is composed of Jumpers who abandoned Spirit and Life dogma and adapting the services into English, essentially reverting back to Prygun
ryguny (Jumpers, also called Leapers, Skippers, Prancers, and Dancers), settled mostly in Los Angeles and Central California, with a few congregations in central Oregon and one in Arizona. Although Pryguny were a much smaller group in Russia than the Molokane, they were more severely persecuted and concentrated in the Caucasus and consequently migrated in larger numbers. The two groups differ in some points of doctrine, domestic custom and ritual, particularly the holidays they observe. Constants observe five Christian holidays adapted from their Orthodox past, while Spiritual Jumpers adapted five Old Testaments holidays from the Subbotniki. Constants and Jumpers have no official ties in America and operate as separate religions. Because Jumper/Maksimists by dogma reject Constant Molokans as "delusional" and "under the number of the spotted beast" (666), and conversely Molokans claim that Jumpers are not really Molokans, the Jumpers are often classified as a separate faith. (Book of the Sun: Spirit and Life, M.G. Rudometkin, Book 4, Article [Story] 6, Page 277-279, verse 16).
Almost all of the descendants of the Jumper-Molokans who came to America reside along the West Coast, except for about one hundred families who moved to two areas of Australia in the early 1960s, and a few families who moved to South America. About two-thirds live on the East Side of Los Angeles, where they have nine churches — or more properly, gatherings: sobranie in Russian. Most of the Jumper churches look like quite ordinary buildings, not unlike Quaker meeting houses. Prayer meetings can be and frequently are held in private homes since it is the gathering and not the building that is sacred. The San Francisco Molokan Church is designed much more ornate than the Jumper buildings and was used as a model for the new USCM Center in Kochubeevskoe, Stavropol'skii krai, Russian Federation.
The largest community outside of Los Angeles and San Francisco is near Kerman, west of Fresno, in central California, and other live mostly in communities with churches in central California, Arizona, Oregon, and Australia. (See map of Molokan and Jumper communities in America.)
American Dukh-i-zhinik and Molokan Rituals
The typical American Dukh-i-zhinik assembly urban areas is a plain building on a residential street with a parking lot. Rural churches are usually isolated on a country road. The Steadfast church is clearly identified with signs, while only few of the Jumper churches are labeled with an identifying sign. Dukh-i-zhiniki in America express more fear of outsiders seeing their services which some believe are only for their true believers. The most zealous and exclusive American Dukh-i-zhiniki reject all other Dukh-i-zhiniki who are not members of their own congregation. See "A Letter to you from the Holy Spirit", sent in 1998.
American Dukh-i-zhinik religious dress has evolved from that of the upper class Russian peasant. Men wear a kosovorotka, pullover shirt (rubashka) worn over the trousers, which has a high straight buttoned collar and a row of buttons running half way down the left chest, and is tied with a tasseled cord belt (poyas). Full beards are common on the elders, particularly among the Jumpers. Women are more fully costumed with a fancy lace head shawl (kosinka), and layered long dress with an apron, both often adorned with lace. In America, this peasant style has evolved from the multicolored original peasant clothes to fancy costumes in pastel, or white for solemn occasions. Often couples will wear outfits of the same color. The Steadfast are less uniform in dress than the Jumpers in that a shirt and tie is accepted by the men and the women often wear a plain dress, and usually have a head covering. The American Dukh-i-zhiniki are often more dogmatic about language, ritual and dress, and are quick to reprimand those not in uniform or following the rituals, as compared to Molokane. This adherence to language, form and style has alienated a majority of American-born Dukh-i-zhiniki who have left the faith of their ancestors.
Upon arrival at the church for service, members typically wait outside until a small group gathers. By custom, a woman must be escorted in by a male. When the group decides to enter, the men proceed women, with the eldest male or a visiting guest elder at the head. They usually pass through a small entryway containing a coat rack before entering the main assembly room. The group pauses after all have entered and are facing the congregation as it stands, acknowledging their arrival. After the lead-entering male quietly recites a short prayer, the new arrivals seat themselves. This entry ritual is practiced more by observant Dukh-i-zhiniki than Molokane.
Recognized Dukh-i-zhinik guests, especially ranking elders, are usually offered priority seating when they visit another Dukh-i-zhinik congregation, but not always due to shunning between congregations and individuals. Outsiders are usually seated with the congregation. Except at funeral and weddings, uninvited outsiders rarely attend a typical worship service. The Molokane are more cordial to outsiders than the Dukh-i-zhiniki, and the Dukh-i-zhiniki vary widely in their reception of outsiders or other JumDukh-i-zhinik guests.
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The religious service of Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki, though similar, differ in many details of prayers and songs, but loud singing and jumping are the most obvious among Dukh-i-zhiniki, particularly the most adherent to the prophet M.G. Rudometkin — Maksimisty. The service is divided into two sessions: the first seated while verses are chanted and religious thought shared, and the second standing for prayers and singing of songs. Plain, backless, wood benches, skameiki, provide traditional seating for the first part of the service, though some congregations provide benches with backs along the walls. The first arrivals will arrange the benches and table if necessary. If many guests arrive additional benches are moved from a stack, usually along the wall, as needed. The congregation is arranged with the women to one side and the men around a table located toward one corner of the room away from the entry. The elders who sit in the front row around three sides of the table are called the pristol (literally: "at the table"). They are arranged in five groups (four for Molokane) by their functional position: (1) the presbyter, presiding elder or minister, sits at the end of the table facing the congregation, and at his side, if the congregation is large, is a pomoschnik, (zamestitel' in Russia) helper; to the presbyter's right are (2) the besedniki, speakers, and (3) the pevtsy, singers; and to the presbyter's left are (4) the skazateli, readers, and, in Dukh-i-zhinik and Prygun congregations, (5) the proroki, prophets (male and female). There are usually more singers than any other group. Male members and guests with no rank will sit in rows behind the readers and prophets. Some elders like to sit along the wall for back support, and many congregations have added bench cushions in recent decades.
Women sit facing the presbyter and a few feet from the men. Leading women singers sit in their front row closest to the male singers. In Dukh-i-zhinik congregations, prophetesses sit in their front row opposite the lead women singers near the male prophets. Other women and female guests sit behind these. In Russia the lead prophetess in a Spiritual congregation may have a chair at the table opposite the presbyter. Seating in Russia is different due to smaller and narrower rooms, where "face-to-face" seating is common, men facing women.
The table is rectangular, of dining room size, and covered with a fine white cloth. On the table, before the presbyter, lay open the books for worship all in Russian. In order, they are the Bible with Apocrypha. Only the Dukh-i-zhiniki use a book of prophetic writings (Dukh-i-zhin'), a collection of song texts (Sionskii Pesennik), and a book of prayers (Molitvennik).
Also on the traditional table is at least one linen towel (politentsia) always seen in Russia, and increasingly seen in the US and Australia as a handkerchief for collecting charity, money. In Russian Prygun congregations, 2 towels are often placed at the end of the table away from the presbyter such that they hang over the edge of the table. One towel is used for the collection, the other for special blessings, such as a wedding. In America the towel was forgotten then revised as a handkerchief because the collection money is traditionally tied with a handkerchief into a bundle (uzel) after being placed on the table, and some suggested that the money should not be allowed to touch the alter table because it has been reported in the news to be filthy (with bacteria, and drugs) so the handkerchief should be placed down first before the collection is taken to keep the table clean (chistyi). About half of the American Dukh-i-zhiniki and all the Australian Dukh-i-zhiniki follow this practice now. The use of the second towel is completely abandoned, or lost, by the diaspora Dukh-i-zhiniki.
The presviter coordinates the service and recites the prayers. He rarely conducts a sermon. That function is usually performed by the speakers who read from and elaborate on the Bible in Russian. Jumpers also use the Spirit and Life as their own "Third Testament". The use of English varies within and among congregations. Because few youth understand Russian, it is increasingly tolerated, especially during an occasion when a speaker feels that English is appropriate for the audience, or the speaker is not fluent in Russian.
In Russia the worship service usually starts at 8 a.m.. and proceeds past noon. In some congregations, members fast before service and bring food for a communal meal before going home. In America, and Australia, the service has considerably shortened, usually starting at 10:30 a.m. on Sundays. During the first part of the service the presviter will direct the head singer to coordinate the singing of verses. The head singer may start a verse himself of call upon another singer. When called upon, a singer will begin a verse from memory leaving it to the reader to locate and recite lines ahead of the singers. As fewer youth learn the rituals, increasingly this process requires singers to call out the location by page or number of the verse they are starting. After several verses are sung, the head speaker is asked to coordinate the religious message.
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The benches are stacked to the sides by the men at about 11:30 a.m. for the second part of the service, prayers and songs. The presviter stands to the readers' side of the table, where the men have cleared a large square area. The men stand on three sides, and the women stand opposite the presviter. The presviter, after listing dedication and intentions for prayer, recites the Lord's Prayer (often with vestigial Old Slavonic words, as he learned it from his grandfather) followed by other prayers appropriate to the day or occasion. Some parts of the ritual require kneeling which varies among congregations. After prayer, the singers are instructed to begin. Songs are sung from memory or increasingly with the aid of songbooks brought from home or provided by the church. There is usually a corner shelf near the table for storing church songbooks. The shelf is remnant of the corner shelf seen in Old Russian peasant cabins and in Old Believers churches and homes but instead of displaying icons, Molokans use it to store religious texts. A few Molokans have installed similar corner shelves in their homes.
All members may sing. Readers do not recite for songs as they do for verses. Although songs and verses are often categorized by how appropriate they are for different services and occasions, a seasoned singer can creatively select a message in a song for an uncommon situation. Often younger singers are amazed when a head singer will select a song that has not been sung for years, because he considers it the right song for that moment.
As singing begins among the Jumpers, in an orderly fashion beginning with the men, the congregation will place an offering (melosteniia) on the table (in Russia money is placed under a towel), and later, perform a greeting ritual in which members give each other a "holy or brotherly kiss" (archaic: lobzaniia). In Russia the kiss greeting varies widely from one to three kisses, holding or not holding hands as if shaking hands, and bowing from a head nod to three complete kneelings placing the head on the ground. Selected songs accompany the offering and kissing.
Among Jumpers, occasions arise when selected members will jump (in Russian: leap, dance, prance, skip, etc.) and one or more may dictate or speak in Russian "in the spirit", or decreasingly "in tongues". In Russia often one hand is held up, in America and Australia both hands are always held up during jumping. Although any member may deliver a prophecy or spiritual message during any part of the service, this function is usually carried out by the anointed prophets selected in a ritualistic manner by another prophet. The Steadfast profess the Holy Spirit but not in such an overt fashion as jumping, and they have limited "kissing" to the greeting of guests and high holidays. The service usually ends with a prayer at noon, but may continue for special occasions.
The youth usually take back rows and have little or no responsibilities in the service. Practice participation in the service ceremony is provided to the youth in a few churches on Sunday evening or during the Sunday Night Young Church in Los Angeles or Wednesday Night or Sunday Morning services at the United Molokan Christian Association (UMCA) near Los Angeles for the Jumpers, and the Sunday School in San Francisco for the Steadfast. Singing practice is provided and encouraged for the youth in song classes (spevki), conducted on week nights by accomplished singers throughout the communities.
The traditional sabbath began with services on Saturday evening, then Sunday morning and Sunday evening — three meetings. Most congregations have shortened this to one Sunday morning meeting.
Each church has a large kitchen to prepare obedy, meals, for special occasions. Sawhorses and tabletop planks stored to the side in the church are assembled with the benches into rows of tables for these meals. A typical meal consists of four courses: (1) chai, tea, with sugar and sweets (pastries, dates, raisins, nuts, etc.) and a salad (cut lettuce, tomatoes, and cucumbers); (2) borshcht, usually a beef broth vegetable soup, without beets as in the South Russian style, or lapsha, thin egg noodles in a beef broth; (3) miaso, meat, usually boiled then broiled beef, but sometimes chicken or lamb (in Russia, meat is so expensive that this course is skipped); and, (4) fruit in season (in Russia kompot, rehydrated dried fruit is last). In Tambov, Russia tea is served last. Except for the soups, which are ladled into individual bowls and eaten with traditional wooden Russian spoons (loshki), the meal is eaten with the fingers. This manner of eating is a carry over from the old country. At home, except for the traditional elderly, most American Jumpers and Molokans eat the typical American diet with popular settings and flatware. Cultural vestiges such as wooden spoons and familiar Russian dishes remain popular and distinguish a meal in a Jumper or Molokan home. The elders remember when each family would bring their own samovar to a meal. Now each church boils water in cauldrons (large custom-made boilers) and distributes the hot water in kettles to the tables.
Obeying the Old Testament food laws, Jumpers-Molokans prepare all church meals "kosher style" (see OT Leviticus 23). Meats are home grown and slaughtered or purchased from a kosher style butcher, preferably a Jumper. Vegetarian options are provided for courses (2) and (3). Breads, pastries, and noodles are homemade or custom ordered. In Los Angeles, one remaining Jumper butcher supplies almost all church orders. There were as many as 6 Jumper-Molokan stores in Los Angeles in the 1920s, reduced to 2 in the 1960s, and one struggling now.
After the meal is served and prayed for, and the elders have begun eating, all serve themselves. Women traditionally pour the tea and provide food preparation help and serving at their seat, particularly among the elders.
During each course, when the congregation is eating, a speaker is called. After the speaker, when most have finished a course, and before the next course is served, songs are sung. Some singers may temporarily leave their seats to stand near groups sitting together who have been asked to start a song to add more voices to that group. In Jumper congregations, usually during the meat course just before singing ends after the table is set, it is not uncommon for a prophet to deliver a prophesy, a timely message, and the congregation to stand while many jump and sing.
The meal is prepared and delivered to the tables by a partiia, party or work group. Every paid-up congregation member belongs to a work group and is expected to attend when it is their day to work in the kitchen, beginning at 5 a.m.
Besides rest rooms, the church may also have a small nursery. Large congregations may have an adjacent building for funerals (a few congregations still prohibit coffins, considered "unclean", in the main assembly hall), classes, and/or meetings.
For more descriptive details of the Molokan and Jumper church, liturgy, and singing, see References.
When asked: "What is a Molokan?", a prominent American Jumper elder, stated: "A Molokan is a person who sings the psalms." When asked to elaborate, he added that when the Molokans no longer sang the psalms in their services, they would cease to be Molokans [or Jumpers] (1).
Molokan and Jumper services and socialization traditionally revolved around singing. For the illiterate Russian peasant convert, it was the primary religious educational tool. Spiritual Christians adapted traditional Russian folk melodies into their religious repertoire. The music of both Steadfast and Jumper Molokans is entirely vocal, consisting of stikhi (verses) and pesni (songs) or dukhovnye pesni (spiritual songs). Texts of stikhi are taken verbatim from Old and New Testament scriptures in Russian, and, among Jumpers, from the writings of their prophets contained in the Dukh i Zhizn' (Book of the Sun: Spirit and Life). There are more than a thousand stikhi texts and an equal number of texts for pesni, but the number in current usage is somewhat smaller. Jumper Molokans sing both pesni and stikhi in worship, but pesni are in general regarded as less solemn, and are not usually sung during the most sacred part of worship services. Steadfast Molokans sing only stikhi from the Bible in worship, allowing pesni or other hymns after the formal prayer ceremony and during memorials for the dead, wedding showers, or other non-worship occasions. Musically, the stikhi constitute a single style. Pesni melodies, however, are varied in both style and origin. The collection of songs is published in the Sionskii Pesennik (Songbook of Zion) collection, which is updated and republished about every decade. The Jumpers have been editing out songs only sung by Constants from recent editions of their songbooks, like "Silent Night".
The melodies of the Jumper-Molokan Sionskii Pesennik are remarkable for their retelling of the history of Russian song, from its peasant roots up to the early nineteenth century, when Molokans departed from Central Russia. Many of the melodies and styles contained in it are ostensibly unique survivals of Russian songs, which have disappeared from other known traditions. The melodies once sung to text identifiable as stemming from the oldest traditions of Russian folk song have in many cases been forgotten. For the survival of those that are still sung we must thank the strongly conservative religious tradition of this community that considers its Russian roots a God-given source of its vitality.
For much more about Molokan and Jumper singing see Dr. O'brien-Rothe's The Molokan Heritage Collection, Volume IV: The Origins of Molokan Singing, and other references.
American Molokan and Dukh-i-zhinik Homes
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Though most all Molokans and Jumpers in America are indistinguishable from their neighbors, a few traditions prevail from the old country. The most common domestic displays are a samovar (metal urn for boiling water, see photo), wooden Russian spoons (loshki), and the open Russian Bible and other sacred books on a table. Early photographs of the family in traditional dress are common, particularly of a married couple. Cassette tapes, or CDs, of Molokan and Jumper singing, Molokan and Jumper history books, and issues of Molokan and Jumper newsletters are also usually easily found. The more active the family members are in the study and practice of the faith, the more likely these items occur. Earnest Molokans and Jumpers will play church songs in their car stereo player to learn while driving.
The most traditionally orientated families still practice formal traditional Russian Molokan greeting of guests, prayers, songs, and meal service at home. Ideally they actively teach these customs to their children.
Ideally the Molokan and Jumper home will be "clean" in the "kosher-style" [not Orthodox Jewish kosher]. From oral history, the lesson that "pork is not meat" is embedded in the cultural fabric of American Jumpers of whom some adhere strongly to religious tradition. Many American Molokans and Jumpers have evolved to somewhat tolerate pork, shellfish, etc., at home; or they will eat in a restaurant were it is served but they won't order it. Many American Molokans and Jumpers descendants, believing that the New Testament supersedes the Old Testament law and that a kosher diet is for the Jews, or have little family indoctrination against pork, have no dietary restrictions. In Russia, ethnographic surveys conducted in the 1980s of Molokan eating habits show that many Molokans and Jumpers in the Caucasus will hunt and eat bear and wild boar when possible because fresh meat is difficult to get and is expensive. Similarly most Russian Jews have dropped the kosher diet. One Molokan babuska (elderly woman) in Russia summarized her philosophy on strictly adhering to Molokan food laws: "No matter how hard you try, you'll probably still eat an entire pig in your lifetime."
Why a Molokan and Prygun Home Page?
So searches for "Molokan" and "Prygun" on the Internet will locate accurate information originating from real Molokans about Molokans, Pryguny, Dukh-i-zhinik, Maksimisty, and related groups. Besides some Molokan and Jumper history being misstated, it has been been confused with Russian Orthodox, Doukhobor, and Brethren faiths. There is also confusion among Molokan sub-groups as to what to call themselves. This section provides corrections and links to examples of such misinformation grouped into 3 clusters: humor, history and labels.
Currently the highest ranked search result for "Molokan" (Wikipedia) has errors of omission, inaccuracies, is biased by Dukh-i-zhiniki, lacks citations, and the only photo shown is not of Molokans, but Orthodox. Unfortunately this page is cited by many other sources.
The first mention of Molokans on the Internet apparently appeared on a list serve in 1990. The phrase "old Molokan scout" has been scattered among dozens of web sites by Armenian scholars and historians to document their genocide on the Internet. By 1995, mostly mis-information was posted on the Internet about Molokane, Pryguny and Doukhobors. About that time a thread (topic) appeared on a the old "Little Russia Bulletin Board" discussion group hosted by the University of Texas, San Antonio, on which a Dukh-i-zhinik girl attending California State University Fresno asked if there were "any Molokan guys out there?" — in cyber-space, or using the Internet. This single question was responded to, and attracted many postings about Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki which led to either the same girl or another person creating the first discussion group dedicated to Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki — the "Molokan Forum", on Yahoo.com. For the first 2 years, few postings (chatter) appeared.
In 1996, I wrote a series of 3 articles (to be posted) published in ISKRA explaining the new Internet and how Spiritual Christians can use it to educate and communicate with our people, and correct misunderstandings. Soon after those articles appeared, several Canadian-Doukhobors started web sites and discussion groups. In June 1997, this Molokan Home Page was started on space loaned (link old) by Dr. Story, Russian instructor at Glendale Community College, just before the Molokan Youth Conference in Tambov, Russia. Within a month of this web site being online, Dukh-i-zhiniki in California began reading it and discussing, cussing and recussing it. One man even circulated a petition to order me to shut the site down (to be posted) because he believed that Maksim G. Rudometkin forbade it in the "Book of the Sun, Spirit and Life". In November 1997, Dr. Story arranged for GCC to host a Russian History Day featuring Arizona Dukh-i-zhiniki. Before 1997 no Molokan or Doukhobor organization or individual had an ethnic web site, though some had business web sites.
By 2000 other computer-savy American-Dukh-i-zhiniki began their own discussion groups and Russian Molokans posted all their post-perestroika journals online. The original Molokan Home Page marketing plan has been a success because facts and phrases originated here have appeared on over 100 webs and news articles about Molokane and Pryguny, including the Los Angeles Times. In 2006, this Molokane.org web site receives over 100 visitors each day. (Statistics to be posted..)
1. Misleading humor
In 1995, two years before The Molokan Home Page was published, Internet searches for "Molokan" found this limerick by the Trobador@aol.com which was posted to the Early Music listserve (EarlyM-L@aearn.bitnet); Subject: "Uncouth Molokans". At the time, Trobador was a graduate student of the Russian-born ethnomusicologist Dr. Margarita Mazo, a music professor at Ohio State University who researched Molokan and Dukh-i-zhinik singing in Russia and the US and included Dukh-i-zhinik psalms in her lessons. Mazo labeled Dukh-i-zhinik as Molokane. This is complete limerick is also posted on Tony Davie's Limerick Archive as "The Milky Way":
| A Molokan whose shorts
were of
silk, Sang dank chants, and sad songs of that ilk During Lent. But he'd
still
His Ma brewed from cold borscht and fresh milk.Grab a nip of the swill |
During Lent, when fresh
milk was
abhorred, Otets Ivan, who liked not to be bored, Ate stale cabbage and
wurst
With loud songs of Swiss cheese to the Lord.As his lungs fairly burst |
This limerick though humorous is not historically accurate. It's unlikely that a Russian peasant would make underwear from expensive silk. There is no safe "swill" (fermented liquid) that Russians made from soup (borsch). Russians and Eastern Europeans do make many products from milk, but no fermented alcoholic drink. He may be thinking of "swill milk" (from cows fed fermented grain), and/or Mongolian fermented horse milk. It's just a silly limerick.
In 1995, another music student soon reprimanded the Troubador: "As I have already discovered, the Molokans [Dukh-i-zhiniki] are a very sensitive and private group of people. I believe it would be improper for me to continue discussion about them on the net from now on. I hope you and any other interested parties understand." He's referring to Los Angeles Dukh-i-zhiniki who visited Dr. Mazos class in Ohio and sang for her students but did not want to be identified.
Also in 1995, Dr. Mazo arranged for Russian and American Dukh-i-zhiniki to perform for 10 days in Washington DC at the annual Smithsonian Festival of American Folklife, expenses paid. Mazo invited Dukh-i-zhiniki because their singing in Russia is more developed and theatrical than Constants. The Russian Dukh-i-zhinik-Maksimist choir was organized, but American Dukh-i-zhiniki refused to participate. (John Kochergen, Fesno CA, who got the invitationm, hid it knowing it would be hotly rebuffed by zealots.) Quickly Molokane from San Francisco and from Stavropol, Russia joined for the June-July 1995 event. Many Russian Maksimisty are still disappointed about the fears of their American counterparts. They lost a free trip to the US. An outside observer cannot easily distinguish these behavioral differences if each group claims to be "Molokan".
The following text from "Russian Immigration" By: Jessica and Marissa, was posted in 1998 on the high school web site Immigration to America: An Index of Ethnic Immigration by Ms. Kane's Period 3 Class. It is among hundreds of curriculum projects posted since 1997 by Needham High School, Needham MA.
"First Wave
"The first Russian settlers in America were fur traders who crossed the Bering Strait into Alaska in the mid eighteenth century. ... Members of persecuted religions such as the Molokan and Orthodox crossed the strait to escape government oppression in Russia. These people converted many Eskimos to their religions, and started small communities in Alaska. The migration stopped, however, in 1867, when Russia sold Alaska to the United States."
A year latter, this history error by high schoolers is repeated on the The Maritime Heritage Project, "Created April 1999", on the Russia page:
"... members of persecuted religions such as the Molokan and Orthodox crossed the [Bering] strait to escape government oppression in Russia. These people converted many Eskimos to their religions, and started small communities in Alaska. The migration stopped, however, in 1867, when Russia sold Alaska to the United States. From 1880 to 1914, there was a new wave of Russian immigrants coming to America, which included poor peasants and persecuted Jews."
Only Orthodox Russians crossed the Bering Strait in the 1800s, and they were not persecuted.No Molokane or Pryguny crossed the Bering Strait to America, nor are there Eskimo Molokane, nor is there a Molokan or Prygun congregation in Alaska. Later Russian Old Believers (staryvery) moved to Alaska. Less than 1% of all Molokane in Russia, and many Pryguny, migrated mainly to California, mainly as "poor peasants" in the "new wave", most from 1907 to 1912.
A History of Molokans in Boyle Heights, by Marco, Roosevelt High [Los Angeles], Grade 12, 1998, has 2 major errors. The photo: "The Russian cemetery" is the not the a Molokan-Russian Cemetery, but probably Evergreen Cemetery. Below this photo, Marco writes:
"Most of them left for America ... from 1900 to 1905. About 5,000 Molokans fled in large groups, called clans, to America. ... some of them settled in Canada... "
Clans: The large groups were not called "clans" but by the name of their home village, like Selimskii, Akhtinskii, Darachakskii, .... They organized in America first by village, then by clan. Often fractionating when the lead elder died. About 12 leaders immigrated to Los Angeles, and they did not all cooperate or agree on most issues.
Canada: No congregation of Molokane or Pryguny ever existed in Canada. This error is repeated in English and Russian sources. The facts are less than 1%, about 2500, of all Molokane and Pryguny in Russia migrated to America (about 75% were Pryguny) between 1904 to 1912. None organized in Canada. A few did move there as individuals. This confusion about Molokans in Canada may have 2 sources. First, because Molokane and Pryguny intended to move to Canada following the Doukhobors, but were more attracted to the large economically booming cities of California (Los Angeles and San Francisco). See: The Molokan Arrival in Manitoba, 1905 (Doukhobr Genealogy Website). Lev N. Tolstoy recommended that Pryguny and Molokane avoid Canada because the Doukhboors could not negotiate a large communal land deal in Canada and many wanted to relocated to the U.S. Second, because the UMCA Directory listed "Canada" on it's cover, though in the 2008 edition only 2 listings are in Canada 2,000 miles apart (Dobrinen married to Cogswell in British Columbia; and Professor William J. Samarin in Toronto, Ontario). Occasionally a descendant in Canada is revealed, like "Iren (from Montreal, Quebec)" (April 1, 2008). Molokan Soldier Enlisted in WWI Canadian Expeditionary Force — William Halopoff could be William I. Holopoff, one of the four scouts to America.
Other sources mistakenly citing Molokans in Canada (checked on Nov. 1, 2009):
In Multicultural America: Russian Americans, Paul Robert Magocsi repeats the immigration error that 5,000 migrated to California; and shows a photo of Russian girls with this in the caption: "...lace shawls of these women are called kascinkas..." The text does not identify these as Molokan-Jumper girls visiting Mexico.
- Molokan: Encyclopedia II - Molokan - History, The Global Oneness Commitment.
- Stephan Symko. From a single seed Tracing the Marquis wheat success story in Canada to its roots in the Ukraine, Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada, 1999.
Dance expert Henry Morgenstein, on his Dance Quotations page, repeats a line from World History of the Dance (1963) by Curt Sachs: ".. In Europe we have the "loss of self" motif clearly illustrated in the whirl dances of the Russians sects of the Molokani in Armenia.." Sachs probably confused Molokan-Jumpers-Leapers with Moslem Whirling Dervishes of neighboring Turkey, or assumed the American Jumpers imported the spinning dance reported in Everan guberniia in the 1860s. Jumpers and Maksimisti sometimes jump, leap, and skip while waving one or both hands above and/or below their shoulders, to the beat of the singing, but today they don't spin to get dizzy as do the Dervishes.
Attempts to ask the owners of these abandoned web sites to correct their errors seems futile, but is ongoing.
Before the Internet, many erroneous news articles have appeared in print, particularly about Jumpers where I live in Arizona. One example among many is a 1992 report by an Arizona professional historian who was contracted to document the ethnic diversity of Glendale. He starts with: "Russian Orthodox Molokan". Such misinformation spreads. In 1999, Glendale city planning commission sub-committee minutes recorded a worker who attended a Jumper funeral praising the "Russian Orthodox singers" who came from Los Angeles (minutes to be posted).
Historian Peter Brock states "Skakuny ... the largish Molokan denomination" in new book Against the Draft: Essays on Conscientious Objection from the Radical Reformation to the Second World War (April 2006), page 318. Constants are the largest Molokan denomination, and some government demographers and historians will say that the Jumpers [Skakuny] are a separate sect. See Constants and Jumpers above.
3. Often Dukh-i-zhiniki are mislabeled by others or themselves.
Before the Molokan ("milk-drinker") label appeared, the ancestors of Iconobors, Doukhobors, and Molokans, called themselves "Spiritual Christians". Along with earlier groups, like "God's People", they shared similar beliefs against the divinity of icons, priests, and the tsar; war; anticipation of the millennium; and some had a Christ-like leader and/or ritualistic way to express the Holy Spirit. During the 1600s, the heresy labels of "milk-drinkers" and "spirit-wrestlers" had often been embraced by the condemned and reinterpreted as good labels. The "milk-drinkers" — molokane — during religious fasts diffused the verbal attack by finding a complimentary meaning for "milk" in the Bible. About the same time, Doukhobors, or "spirit-wrestlers", changed their derogatory label from those who wrestled against the spirit of the church and God to people who "wrestle with the spirit of truth." (See Koozma J. Tarasoff Spirit Wrestlers: Doukhobor Pioneers’ Strategies for Living (2002)., Chapter 1.)
The most detailed first-hand reports of sectarians is found in archived Russian police reports after religious meetings are raided, and the participants arrested and interrogated. The police often have a different perspective than the Russian Orthodox Church authorities in documentation, and sectarians are known to lie and switch their claimed religion depending on their situation and/or to gain privileges, like a travel permit, to join family members, receive benefits, avoid arrest, etc. See Breyfogle's thesis (Chapter _) for examples of sectarian switching.
Molokane were often mistaken, intentionally and unintentionally, for other sectarian or schismatic groups in Russian history, like Pryguny, Doukhobors, Old Believers, Mennonites, etc.; or groups in America, like Quakers or Amish. Part of this is due to inattention to detail on the part of scholars, but even serious Russian religious scholars can be uncertain as to which sectarian group is which. Some of this is due to the heretics hiding their illegal heresy from authorities. Photos of conservative members of these various religious groups and sects often show bearded men, old Eastern European clothes, and coverings on women, which can easily confuse an outsider, scholar or journalist, into thinking they are all the same. Also labels applied by the authorities are not always the same labels which sectarians use to describe themselves. Labeling Russian religious dissenters was not easy. During the 1800s over 100 heresy, sect and schismatic labels were used by the Russian Orthodox Church. Molokane and Pryguny in Russia continue to first identify themselves as "Spiritual Christians", while this label is was soon dropped by those in North America and later in Australia. More confusion is due to Dukh-i-zhiniki calling themselves "Molokan", a form of identity theft or name hijacking, not appreciated by the authentic Molokane.
Dr. Breyfogle claims the label pryguny (Jumpers) first appeared in 1854 in Armenia guberniia, though the characteristics of Pryguny existed earlier under other labels (spiritual dancers, leapers, ...) in New Russia (South Ukraine). In 1858 Orthodox Russians in the Caucasus complained "...that fanatical Molokans [probably pryguny or Maksimisty] were invading their churches during services, throwing rocks, shooting at icons, and generally disrupting worship." (See: Breyfogle's thesis, page 101, footnote 57.)
There is such a distinct difference and separation between Pryguny and Molokane that they were nearly always classified by historians and themselves as separate religions until the 1900s. The Encyclopedia of Cults, Sects, and New Religions, by James R. Lewis categorizes both as varieties of Molokan (page 496): "Molokan Spiritual Christians (Postojannye)", and "Molokan Spiritual Christians (Pryguny)." These are labels given by an outsider to try to make since of what he reads. There is no congregation in the world that labels themselves : "Spiritual Christian -Postojannye." Only a non-Molokan will use such a label. Dukh-i-zhiniki do the same when comparing themselves with real Molokane : "Those are postoyannye, we are the real Molokane."
To date, no Dukh-i-zhiniki joined the USCM Center, Russian Federation, opened in 1997; but the American Molokane did. The translated name of the RF organization is "Union of Spiritual Christians — Molokans", placing emphasis on "Spiritual Christian".
My late grandmother, Sasha Shubin, often repeated common oral history in 1960s Los Angeles that Pryguny should avoid (not marry, attend services with, ...) the Molokane because they were mean to Pryguny in Russia by reporting us to the authorities as the bad guys, but in fact Maksimisty were causing trouble. I knew she was repeating gossip and rumors and that she never visited Molokane in San Fransisco where I had relatives. When I first visited the San Francisco Molokan assembly in the late 1960s, I investigated several Dukh-i-zhinik rumors about Molokane.
The Prygun prophet Rudometkin calls the Molokane "wayward / delusional", and is more critical of Subbotniki. An anti-Molokan sentiment prevails among many American Dukh-i-zhiniki leaders because of this passage. Molokane observe holidays abandoned by Rudometkin as pagan or from the Orthodox. Molokan leaders from San Francisco have never been welcomed guests at the UMCA (Dukh-i-zhiniki) picnic in Los Angeles since the 1960s. A Molokan minister (Edward Samarin) was not allowed to stand with his Dukh-i-zhiniki family during their father's (John Samarin) funeral at Percy Street assembly (Samarin's) probably because he married out, which is not a shunned sin among the Molokane.
- Myth : "No Molokans are left in San Francisco, they all married out."
Fact : I found 65 to 75 Molokan adults attended a typical Sunday service in San Francisco during the 1960s-80s, more than any Dukh-i-zhinik congregation in the US or Australia. Compare to Big Church attendance during that time, where about 25 attended though their registered membership was 500-700. Ironically, Doukhobors visiting Los Angeles with a choir in 1974 said they also heard there were no Molokans [meaning Pryguny] left in LA because a Doukhobor visitor reported so few attended Big Church a few years earlier.
- Myth : "They don't believe in the Holy Spirit."
Fact : They believe in the Holy Spirit but don't need to jump or have prophets.
- Myth : "They serve Kentucky Fried Chicken in church."
Fact : This could only have happened when people bring food to share in the back kitchen area during a funeral wake when it is the responsibility of the family of the deceased to host their guests. Dukh-i-zhiniki sometimes appear in San Francisco for a funeral and probably noticed fast food among the snacks. After the burial, if the congregation hosts the memorial service and meal, the food is always traditional Russian sectarian and prepared in the prayer-house kitchen.
Despite facts that Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki have different holidays, rituals, and officially avoid each other, the American and Australian Dukh-i-zhiniki register their "churches," cemeteries and organizations as "Molokan". The diaspora Dukh-i-zhiniki congregations that do not register report their religion is "Molokan." In practice they are different religions. Ironically, descendants of these these denominations groups is more likely to marry an outsider (American) than each other.
In 1917 during the Arizona draft registration protest Pryguny and Maksimisty identified themselves in the press as "Russian sectarians, Spiritual Christians-Jumpers" and "Holy Jumpers", and the press reported Jumper ritualistic behavior in the courthouse: “The dance was not unlike that done by Indians at ceremonials. Performed in unison, the effect was to almost rock the building." (“Jail for Anti-War Russians,” Arizona Republican, 10 June 1917.) By the 1960s, these self-reported labels in the press changed to "Molokan", and "Molakans".
The Library of Congress on its American Memory web site confuses the Molokans and Jumpers-S&L-users: "The Russian Molokans, also called Molokan Spiritual Jumpers, Spiritual Christians of the Sect of Jumper, or Milk Drinkers, ..." The songs and photos are of the largest Constant Molokan congregation in America, though a separate congregation of Spiritual Molokans, 2 blocks away, may have attended this event.
In Arizona, a Tolmachoff clan of confessed Baptists and non-Jumpers (kids of Jack Wm. & Doris, and Pete Wm. & Sally) is trying to steal the congregation properties by falsely filing documents at the Arizona Corporation Commission, and falsely labeling themselves "The Christian Molokan Church of Arizona." The original name of "Church of the Spiritual Christian Molokans of Arizona, Inc." was reinstated in 2005 after a 3-year investigation by the state. But many errors persist in the unofficial pubic record. Besides their huge personal debts, illegally changing the church and cemetery locks, and other crimes, they demand that their members take communion (juice and bread) to prove they are "Christian". They even fooled the LA-UMCA by providing a bogus change of presviter for the 2004 Russian Molokan Directory. The real presbyter was locked in a house in Avondale, with the help of Mike Zaremba, a Cowboy cousin by marriage, while his Jack John Conovaloff impersonated his father to steal money ($300,000 cash) from his parents estate. They tried to Dukh-i-zhiniki from Kerman, California by mascaraing in Russian dress for a funeral, something they only do in Arizona when someone from California is visiting, but could not conduct the actual service.
This labeling for personal gain, especially to hide illegal acts, also persists for the Canadian Doukhobors who have tried to correct the press for decades to not label the "Sons of Freedom" (also see), or Freedomites, as Doukhobors. But, most people mistakenly still think Doukhobors are the burners, bombers and strippers. In 2002, an educational video for kids to correct this error was funded by the Canadian government, My Doukhobor Cousins:
"Mention the word 'Doukhobors' to most Canadians, and it conjures up images of fire and nudity shrouded in religious fervor. ... The Cousins' research helps dispel the confusion between the orthodox Doukhobors, the independents and the freedomites, better known as Sons of Freedom Doukhobors. Over the years, all of these sects have been lumped together in the media, while, in fact, most of the negative images reflecting their unorthodox behavior are more synonymous with the actions of the freedomites [now extinct]."
After decades of public relations, Doukhobors are still being confused with the Dunkers, a German sect, according to Koozma Tarasoff a Canadian-Doukhobor and historian. The words sound alike. On October 14, 2005, Tarasoff presented his paper: "How the Church, the Mass Media, and the Zealots Hijacked the Doukhobor Name" at the Conference of the Canadian Ethnic Studies Association in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. In 2006, the professional Peter Langer Associated Media Group, which sells 182,000+ high quality travel and culture photos, misidentifies and sells a photo of Hutterite women as "Saskatoon: Doukhobor women." These different colonies are next to each other as this map shows. To try to correct this myth, Larry Ewashen, Director of the Doukhobor Discovery Centre reviewed how Doukhobrs have been misrepresented in print: Doukhobors and the Media.
3a. Sub-Groups
To confuse matters more, hybrid and new sub-groups evolved within and split from the Spiritual Christian Molokans — Molokan-Subbotniki, Shaloputy-Molokans, Communal-Molokans, Saturday-Molokans, Pryguny, Pryguny-Maksimisty, New Molokans, Dry Baptist Molokans (spiritual christening), Waterers (vodianie, water christening) Don (Kossak) Molokans [Donskoi Tolk], Spiritual Molokans, Molokan-Mormons, Armenian-Molokan-Pryguny, etc.; and in America new-subgroups: "Re-Formed" in Oregon (descendants of Pryguny and Dukh-i-zhiniki who converted to Pryguny and translated their services into English), and "Clarkys" in California (ultra-orthodox Maksimisty who shunned other Dukh-i-zhiniki for 10 years). These groups differ in location, day of worship (sabbath), holidays celebrated (traditional and/or Old Testament), prayer meeting room (church) decor, and service rituals. Intermarriage between these sub-groups and with Doukhobors and other sectarians and Orthodox is rare, permitted after conversion, yet persecuted. This diversity caused the original Molokans in the mid-1800s were called postoyannie (unchanged) to distinguish them as the original group and separate themselves from the more zealous and radical off-shoots. But even among Molokane in Russia, regional differences are obvious in singing style and the kissing ritual, due to a century of separation, is changing where refugees from diverse populations congregate in Russia and adjust to each other.
In America in 1926, a new youth education and service organization, the United Molokan Christian Association, was incorporated using 5 words to describe their members — "Russian Molokan Spiritual Christian Jumpers". These 5 descriptors also appeared on the sign of the first Prygun cemetery in Los Angeles, at which are buried Amenian Pryguny. This public relations effort helped to unite most all the factions that immigrated. But, today in America and Australia, most Dukh-i-zhiniki call themselves Molokans, sometimes Protestants, partially to avoid explaining to an outsider, and/or identifying with, the radical spiritual component of Maksimisty. These semantics have confused many descendants of American Dukh-i-zhiniki to believing that one cannot be a western Christian and a Molokan at the same time. This is in part because they also confuse the Russian historical label of "sectarian" and "sekt", meaning Russian but not Orthodox (a group of persistent heretics), with the modern western use of "sect" to describe a new religious group started by a single person, like the recent cult of Jim Jones. In Russia, Molokane and Dukh-i-zhiniki are historical indigenous sects, and American scholars often call them an ethic group and a religion, not a western sect. Some in America may claim that zealous Dukh-i-zhiniki who mention Maksim G. Rudomyotkin in song or prayer are an American sect or cult, but this usage of Rudomyotkin's name in praise differs little from the way Catholics or Orthodox refer to Saints. Also there is no living Christ-like leader among Dukh-i-zhiniki in the world today, nor among Doukhobors.
Many Canadian Doukhobors have embraced the analysis of Russian historian A.I. Klibanov who concluded that Doukhobors evolved from a sect to a "social movement" when they burned their guns in three large demonstrations in the Caucasus on Easter morning 1895. (See The Events That Shook the World in 1895, and The Doukhobor Peace Day, both by Koozma J. Tarasoff.)
The most common misuse of the term Molokan in America and Australia is by Dukh-i-zhiniki who only identify themselves as Molokans.
3b. Doukhobors
About 2 dozen commercial online encyclopedias (like: FreeGlossary, Encyclopedia4U, Encyclopedian, ExplainThat, FactBase, Masterliness, Opentopia, What is.TV, etc.) confuse Molokane with Doukhobors ("the sect from which Molokans evolved"), perhaps because both sects are Spiritual Christians. This misinformation has been transferred to scientific documents, like The Linguasphere Register, 1999/2000 edition, page 442, ISBN / EAN: 095329191X ("index of over 70,000 linguistic and ethnic names") [Update Sept 11, 2007: The 2006 Linguasphere Register and a new website are in-progress. Liguasphere Press ceased operations in 2006. Its work is being continued by GeoLang Ltd.] These errors are slowly being corrected by the anonymous contributors who mostly copied this mis-information from sites like Wikipedia, where it is now corrected, but not corrected on the more numerous "daughter" sites. You can tell that these encyclopedia sites have old information if the link to the Molokan Home Page is to the old "gecko" server which was discontinued in June 2004.
From a single seed Tracing the Marquis wheat success story in Canada to its roots in the Ukraine, Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. — ... a set of millstones located at the entrance to the office of the Lake of the Woods Milling Company in Winnipeg as having been brought to Western Canada by Russian Doukhobors. (7, pp. 136-137) However, these stones might have been brought over just as easily by Molokans (sectarians from Ukraine) ...
Even Russian writers confuse Molokane with Doukhobors and other sectarians. Update In-Progress
3c. Orthodoxy
Confusing Raskolniks with Sectarians (second half of page) is unfortunately common, even in the Former Soviet Union. It appears that very few people who were students during Soviet times and studied the "Raskol" and "Sectarians" in social studies classes had any personal knowledge with these faiths. After the dissolution of the USSR, the textbooks changed and the Raskol appears less taught.
Old Believers are "Raskolniki" — ethinic Russians who preserved the old Orthodox rituals and language, and were condemned by the Russian Orthodox Church for not reforming. Molokane are "sectarians" — ethnic Russians who disobeyed and left the Church. They are heretics, like Protestants. By law, ethnic Russians must be Orthodox.
Some scholars and writers call Molokane "Old Ritualists", or "Old Believers" (another example), or “molokan branch of old believer church”, even in officials government reports by the U.S. State Department in 2002, and by Armenia to the Council of Europe. They may mean that Molokane have an "old religion", but probably confuse the two. "Old Believers" (Russian: starovery), are un-reformed Orthodox who predate the "Molokan" label. You'd think our governments would know we are not Orthodox.
Even worse, an old information web site still states: "Molokans (a Russian Orthodox sect)", (Moldava: Religion, "Data as of June 1995"). In a 1994 report to the World Bank someone recognized a difference: "Molokans... A sect related to the Old Believers...(footnote 10)" A recent posting by blog photographer Nazarian (12/15/2005) explains: "Molokans ... in Armenia... belong to two different sects in Russian Orthodox religion. One is more strict and the other one is more liberal and welcomes progress." Nazarian realized there were different groups calling themselves Molokan but continued the erroneous label of Orthodox.
In July 2006, someone posted: "Molokan, as far as I know is a Russian Orthodox group founded by Leo Tolstoy, or supported by him." The first part is not true, but the second part is. Tolstoy supported the Molokans and Doukhobors. See: A Molokans's Search for Truth: The Correspondence of Leo Tolstoy and Fedor Zheltov.
On March 11, 2008, The New York Times errored in an article about Turkey, A Patchwork Land Confronts a Lie of Whole Cloth, by stating in paragraph 16: "...Molokan, also known as Russian Old Believers." I complained and the paper published a Correction on March 25, 2008 and changed the online text to "... Molokan, who have their roots in Russia." Progress!
3d. White-Russians
This term has 2 origins: (a) Belarus, the "White Rus" republic east of Moscow, and (b) White Russians who were the exiled "aristocrats" — nobles, princes, princesses, military officers, professionals, intellectuals — waiting to return to Russia; called “white” because of their opposition to the “red” Soviet state. Most likely Molokane are confused with the second group, many of whom also immigrated to Los Angeles and hired Pryguny.
A similar term — white émigré — describes those who emigrated after the Revolution and opposed the Russian political climate or change in regimes. Since Pryguny and Molokane moved to America before the revolution, the term is a weak fit since many reported that they left because their privileges had expired for taxes and the military draft, to follow the Doukhobors, or due to guidance by the Holy Spirit.
Prygun and Molokan immigrants were mainly peasants, but often in Los Angeles were labeled "White Russian" by East LA Mexicans and others. This mistake occurred recently at the University of Southern California (April 27, 2000), where many descendants of Dukh-i-zhiniki graduated. I helped with the Boyle Heights Project and complained about this mistake which was corrected on 2 subsequent USC web pages posted a month later( 1, 2).
3e. Brethren, Mennonite, Amish, Quaker, Baptist
In the early 1900s, some reporters and historians called Molokane Quakers, probably from Quakers who visited and documented Molokane in the early 1800s and from Western scholars having no other groups with which to compare them, or because some American Molokans and Jumpers did alternative military service in Quaker CO camps during World War II.
In his 1974 review of Bekker's "Origin of the Mennonite Brethren Church", Giesbrecht misquotes “Molokan brethren”. About 4 times Bekker mentions Molokane who visited his church in the mid-1800s, and once calls them brethren, similar to the use of "brother" in "Christian brother in Christ", identical to Berokoff's use: "... Molokan Brethren in Iran ..." In 2002, a woman described her Molokan best friend: "...the best way to describe Molokans is Russian Mennonites or Quakers." A 2004 UK Government study reported Molokane as "a quasi-Baptist group", perhaps because founders of the the Russian Baptists were Molokane (Pavlov, Vorinin, Prokhanov). In 2005, an Armenian thinks Dukh-i-zhiniki are "a Russian version of Amish".
3f. New Labels
In 2005, Armenian reporters label Maksimisty as "Maximalists" or "extremists", short for "Jumper-extremist". This could be (a) a misuse of a historic term for the Soviet party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, (b) "Biblical maximalism" (literal interpretation of the Bible, fundamentalist), or (c) "believing that the Church's scope was broad and rich enough to embrace everyone and all things religious and cultural." Do you know?
If you find more examples, send them in. Be sure to include the complete URL, web address, for the web site.
For corrections, comments, suggestions, or questions about the Molokan and Prygun Home Page,
e-mail the Web Master: A.J. Conovaloff at Administrator@Molokane.org
Molokane, Pryguny and Dukh-i-zhiniki Around the World